BA Thesis Chapter 1

Definitions, Terms, Cultural and Cross-Cultural Patterns and Commonalities, and Historical Origins

According to Michael Harner, shamans "are the keepers of a remarkable body of ancient techniques that they use to achieve and maintain well-being and healing for themselves and members of their communities." (Harner, 1980, xiii) The "nature" of these "keepers", of their "ancient techniques", beliefs, social roles and functions, both historical and modern, will be explored here. Connections will also be drawn among the "mind-sets" of those who participate in the "shamanic complex".

This relatively ubiquitous system of beliefs and practices has ancient roots which are reflected in the many similar forms of shamanic expression. These beliefs and forms are particularly important and relevant to the modern, techno-bureaucratic societies that have developed around older, more enduring cultural matrices. the shamanistic perspective will be seen to be of special interest to those involved with psychotherapy and the alternative healing professions. Finally, artists, musicians, writers and poets may find that the shaman's journey provides inspiration as well as transformation.

Without the figure of the shaman there would be no shamanistic complex, though some would see this inversely. Either way, in order to understand the shaman's function within his or her society, we must create in our minds a picture that reflects the importance of shamans to both traditional and modern worlds, we will then be able to establish links with our own society, and with the forms of shamanic expression that nave been emerging since the second world war and the beginning of the "atomic age".

Since shamans tend to operate in multi-dimensional worlds, let's construct a multi-dimensional image of them and the "realities" in which they live. Åke Hultkrantz, believes that a shaman is "a particular, ecstatic diviner, healer and mediator between humans and the spirit world." (Hultkrantz, 1978, 28) Through states of ecstasy, the "shaman... acquires supernatural power through direct personal experience." (Park, 1938, 10) Only the shaman can go into ecstatic states of consciousness in a controlled, voluntary manner and stay centered during the "journey." Centered enough, in fact, to perform the often elaborate ritual ceremonies to heal and divine information from the spirits.

The ability to enter into controlled ecstatic trance is important to both the shamans and their societies. Among the Kalash Kafir of Chitral, India, the "dehars" of Joshi engage in ecstatic dancing during which they are believed to become possessed by supernatural beings (gods, demons and fairies) from the mountains. Through the "dehar", these beings confer blessings and food fortune, as well as advice and warnings upon the general populace that attends the ceremonies. (Suger, 1967, 73)

Shamans are those with the gift or skill of a "special clear sightedness". They."see such things as normal people do not see, they gain knowledge about secrets of the past, the present, and the future...[from communications with] the dead [who] know more than ordinary, living men." (Karsten, 1955, 57) The Lapp "noide", or medicine-person, experienced spirit-flight", or “soul travel" to the land of the dead where instructions were received from the souls of deceased shamans, and other tutelary agents concerning the development of supernatural powers and stronger connections to the spirit world. (Ibid.)

The ecstatic journey typically involves the perception of leaving one's body while going on a trip to a heavenly upper-world, a frightful underworld or the oceanic depths, but this is not always necessary. The shaman, with or without leaving his body, may enter into an ecstatic state and, with the help of spirits, cure the sick. reveal hidden items or secrets, prophesize and summon the spirits for assistance in other matters. (Hultkrantz, 1967, 32-33) The "Ki ugwa sowi no", or "dreamers" of the Penobscots were those that.would "search about in dreams." (Speck, 1919, 268) The "dreamers" expressed an "ability to foresee events, to penetrate in a dream vision the barriers which prevent ordinary human beings from seeing the spiritual forces which underlie acts and which animate various creatures. They were shamans of a humbler sort." (Ibid.)

As a healer, a shaman may be considered as a " sick man who has healed himself, who is cured, and who must shamanize in order to remain cured." (McKenna and Mc Kenna, 1975, 10) Though this isn't always the case, it is generally true , and is contradictorily related to La Barre's definition of the shaman. (LaBarre, 1970, 321) His basic theory is that the shaman is a borderline schizoid, paranoid, narcissistic autistic. LaBarre's bias is apparent in the use of outmoded, primarily negative psychiatric terminology, with a reference to Freud as a "Moses in the wilderness of the irrational." (Ibid., 314)

In his 1938 work, Willard Park cites Mac Colloch's functional definition that a shaman performs magico-medical functions, especially healing and divination, through actual communication with the spirit world: "'He has direct intercourse with the spirits and actual (bodily or spiritual) access to the spirit world. All his magical acts are done by virtue of his power or influence with spirits.'" (Park, 1938, 8) This is echoed by Rogers, who notes that a "shaman makes contact with the spirits and works with them. and he uses magic." (Rogers, 1982, viii)

The shaman is an intermediary with the spirit world whose primary task lies in opening the road to the supernatural powers through the medium of ecstasy." (Peters, 1981, 33-34) The shaman is a mediator with the unseen cosmic forces, and s/he is the receptacle of power beyond that available to normal persons. (Rogers, 1982,13-134) The shaman manipulates the invisible forces of the mind which are responsible for one's orientation to life, the environment and other beings, and one's abilities to adapt and survive in the natural world. (Ibid., 43)

By working with such intangible elements, the shaman becomes "a practitioner of mysteries beyond the understanding of most members of his community." (Ibid., ix) In this sense, the shaman is not unlike a modern scientist, as both use empirical evidence and speculations to arrive at answers to their questions, and to formulate new questions about the nature of their experiences.

The term "shaman" is derived from the Siberian Tunguisic "vamen" or "saman", which bears a strong similarity to the Pali "samana". (McKenna and McKenna, 1975, 9) According to Peters ,the term "samana" refers to one who is excited, moved, "raised" or possessed, as in the "shaking trance” of the Tunguisic. (Peters, 1981, 7) "Sram" is a Vedic term meaning to "heat oneself or practice austerities" as in Yogic traditions.(Ibid.) The female version , "shamanka", (Rogers, 1982, ix) compliments the male counterpart in that both refer to the ability to "see". Eliade defines this ability as being expressed in the mastery of "techniques of ecstasy". (Eliade, 1964, 4)

In Malaysia, the shamanic practitioner is referred to as a "pawang", or "one who makes magic." (Winstedt, 1951, 7) Among the Peninsula Malaysians, "pawang" is used to denote general magical practitioners, and "bomor" for those who only practice medicine. In Perak, the "pawang" is a magician of ordinary stature~ and the shaman is referred to as a "belian".(Ibid., 11)

Among the Penobscots of upper New England, there are two general shamanic figures: the above mentioned "one who searches around in dreams", or "Ki ugwa sowi no", and the "Made olinu", or "drum sound person", being derived from "made" referring to the "sound of drumming". (Speck, 1919, 240, 268) The personage of the "dreamer" is actually closer to the general, cross-cultural understanding of the shaman as a visionary helper than Speck's own analysis of the "drumming conjurer".

Along coastal Southern California, the Chumash referred to their political and spiritual leaders by several titles. The term "wot" denotes a village chief or political leader. "Paxa" refers to a political, ceremonial.leader linked to the "wot". (Blackburn, 1975, 12) An "alcuklas" was an astrologer, diviner and administering official whose responsibilities included the prognostication of a child's future by means of astrological readings, to name the child according to the month of its birth, to administer jimson-weed preparations (called "toloache" or "Momoy"), and to report illnesses and social disharmonies to the "wot". (Ibid., 14) All of these officials were members of the "?antap" cult, a religious and hierarchic ruling social class, members of the "?antap” cult were believed to possess an "?atiswin", or dream-helper, talisman or fetish that guided them through their lives. (Ibid., 12)

The Eskimo term for shaman is "angakoq," and is related to the terms "apseroq" meaning "one who is questioned", and "tuneroq"/"tunralik" for "one who has a helping spirit". (Holtved, 1967, 29) This is not dissimilar to the meaning of the Zinacantecan speaking peoples' name "h?ilol" for "one who sees-seer." (Schweder, 1972, 408) Somewhat north of Mexico, the Paviotso of the Eastern Sierras use the term "Puhágem" to denote one who has "puhá," or the power, to heal with spirits. (Park, 1938, 15, 95)

Among the Spanish speaking, mixed Indian cultures of Mexico and Latin America we find such terms as: "Brujo/Bruja" = witch, "Hechicero/Hechicera" = sorcerer/-ess, "Profeta advino/advina" = prophet, soothsayer, advisor, seer (especially into the future), and "Curandero/Curandera" = healer with herbs, charms and chants. (Rogers, 1982, ix)

Other terms for the shaman denote his/her role as a mediator between human beings and the spirit world. These include the Indonesian "Bomoh", the Malaysian "Hala", the Hawaiian "Kahuna", the Chippewan "Wakeno", the Japanese Shinto "Miko", the classical Greek "Oracle", as of Delphi, (Covell, 1983, 18) the Korean "Manshin" (female), and "Paksu" (male),(Ibid., 20) the Chinese "Sha-men", and the Japanese "Shamon." (Peters, 1981, 7)

Ecstatic practitioners are also known as "shamans" among the Tungus of Eastern Siberia, “Ojuna” for the Yakuts of the same region, "Kami" for the Mongols, "Babalawa" among the Yoruba of West Africa, "Nganga" to the Shona of Southern Rhodesia, "Mori" to the Yemenite Jews, "Bariva" among the Balahi of Central India, "Tahunga" for the Polynesians, "Si-Kerai" to the Menawei of Sumatra, "Mane Kisu" among the Melanesians, "Nung-gara" to the Arunta of Australia, "Angakok" for the Eskimo of Baffin Land, "Diyi" to the Apache, "Hungan" to the Haitians, "Kwisiyai" for the Diegueno of California, and among the Quechua speakers of South/Central America they are known as the "Kambidura". (Rogers, 1982, xi)

Among all of these peoples, shamanism may be considered as the "religious and magic complex centered on the ecstatic magician, the shaman." (Hultkrantz, 1967, 32) Because of its antiquity and ubiquity, "shamanism appears to be a tenacious and adaptable profession." (Peters, 1981, 7) With origins estimated at 100,000 years, shamanism "may well have been the religion of Neanderthal man" and shaman-curers the first professionals. (Furst, 1972 cited in Peters, 1981, 7)

Shamanism has historically been associated with loosely structured gatherer-hunter peoples for whom curing rites were the primary form of religious ceremony. (Lessa, 1972, 380) Rank (1967, 18) delineates two main historical phases of shamanism. The first is associated with so-called "primitive communism", and takes the form of the nature-healer who removes intrusive objects from a sick person. The second is tied to the "feudal society" where shamans recover lost souls and travel to the spirit world. (Ibid.)

Be that as it may, shamanism is an ubiquitous form of religious expression, with its common essence being a "means of contact with the supernatural world by the ecstatic experience of a professional and inspired intermediary: the shaman." (Hultkrantz, 1978, 30) Hultkrantz specifies four basic constituents of shamanism: l) the existence of a contactable spirit-world, 2) the shaman, mediator between spirit-world and society, 3) the existence of tutelary/helping spirits who guide and assist the shaman, the "allies" mentioned by Castaneda, and 4) shamanic ecstasy, spirit-flight, possession and other alternate forms of consciousness. (Ibid.)

As Hultkrantz explains , contact with the spirit world is made possible because of the structure of the shamanic cosmology. (Ibid., 31) Through the interiorization and internalization of the "cosmological ideogram" by the shaman, he experienced it and used it as the itinerary for his ecstatic journeys." (Ibid., 32) This "cosmological ideogram" is most commonly expressed through the symbology of the Cosmic Tree, Eliade's "Axis Mundi" which is seen as connecting the three realms of existence, the Underworld, the Middle/ Terrestrial world, and the Heavens. Through spirit-flight, the shaman ascended to the heavens or descended to the underworld to divine information or to retrieve lost souls. "Evidently, this concept achieved this importance because it provided shamanism with a model of communication with the other World." (Ibid., 33)

According to Karsten (1955, 55), "shamanism [exists] wherever certain persons, and especially professional sorcerers, believe they are able to enter, in a state of ecstasy, into a mystic relation to an invisible spirit world." He notes a strong similarity in this set of beliefs among the Lapps, Samic, Samoyeds, and South American Indians through their shamanistic activities. (Ibid.)

Rogers also perceives a natural similarity of forms and functions in the trans-cultural overview of shamanism. He observes that "each culture has its own contrivances in response to human needs and in accord with its technology and belief system." (Rogers, 1982, ix) This may include such factors as environment and eco-consumption patterns, such as gathering, hunting, farming, producing manufactured items for exchange, bureaucratic systems, and consumption oriented marketing. This perspective is echoed by Hultkrantz (1978, 54), who asserts that ecological adaptations seem responsible for the multi-varietal forms of shamanism. These many forms, though widespread, are surprisingly similar to the Siberian forms which are believed to be among the oldest, classic developments of shamanistic expression.(Ibid.)

In his book on Malay magicians, Winstedt (1951, 11) sees the extent and sources of Malay shamanistic traditions as being both ancient and pervasive, with roots in Siberia and Northern China. "Shamanism was the primitive religion of peoples from the Bering Straits to Scandinavia, and spreading to China and Tibet it reached the Malays before they left Yunnan. It is still the sole religion of the Sakai Aborigines who entered the Peninsula before them." (Ibid.) Shamanism is still retained among many modernized peoples as a "last recourse in sickness or trouble." (Ibid.)

The Asian connection, through Mongolian forms, also influenced the "Magi" of Iran and the "Sufi dervishes"of Islam. (Kapelrud, 1967) It also reached the "dehars", ecstatic dancers of the Kalash Kafirs of India, (Suger, 1967, 73-74) and the Sherpas of the Himalayan regions of Tibet and Nepal. Among the Sherpas there are two main religions, the newer Lamaistic Buddhism, and the older Shamanic "Bon", for whom the "Bonpo/Bompo" is the principal practitioner. (Schmid, 1967, 82) In Tibet and Nepal, Lamaism and Bonpoism are complimentary, and the populace will attend both types of ceremonies, some of which have both Lama and Bonpo officiating. (Ibid., 83)

The American shamanistic tradition is strikingly similar to Euro-Asiatic beliefs and practices. One difference, however, is seen in Karsten's remark concerning contact with spirits that, "whereas in American shamanism it is the man himself who , in one way or another, selects for himself a guardian spirit, in Asiatic shamanism it is the god who selects the shaman." (Karsten, 1955, 64)

Whether Asian or American, the shamanic complex is derived from primal gatherer-hunter societies. As agrarian sustenance methods evolved, the religious, ritual and visionary connections have remained intact to some extent among such American peoples as the Mexican Huichols of the Western Sierra Nevadas and the Tukano of the Vaupes region of Columbia. (Furst, 1977, 6) The Huichol farmers still maintain symbolic connections to their hunting past in their veneration of the deer as seen in the "Dance of the Deer", a joyous expression of life now being shared with non-Huichols through the dedication of such people as Brandt Secunda.

In pre-Columbian North America, shamanism was the primary religious form, although there was a flourishing priestly class in the Southwest among the Hopi, Dine (Navaho), and Zuni Pueblo. (Eliade, 1964, 297) Shamanism was a relatively organized, hierarchical religion among the Chumash, but still retained its visionary basis in the myths and experiences with Datura. (Blackburn, 1975, 12, 14) In Mexico, the Zinacantecan "h?ilol"-seers were not organized, hut were “part-time specialists" who diagnosed illnesses "by means of divine revelations and by means of pulsing the blood of the infirmed." (Schweder, 1972, 408) The "h?ilol" also performed healings, prepared remedies, and officiated at annual ceremonies and special blessings for community members. (Ibid.)

In the Northeast of the United States, there was to be found a uniformity of cultures. Shamanistic elements were quite similar among such peoples as the Abenoki, Pawenok, Malecite, Passamaquoddy, Algonkians and Penobscots. (Speck, 1919, 242-243)

Among many Native American peoples there are commonalties in supernatural experiences. The "Vision-Quest" rites of passage represent a common element, as well as a sort of "democratized shamanism." (Lowie cited in Hultkrantz, 1978, 34) Eliade observed that in some societies it is fairly common for adolescent males and females to develop relations with helping spirits during vision-quests, or during experiences of spontaneous ecstasy, or dreams. (Eliade, 1964, 107)

According to Eliade, "every Indian 'shamanizes', even if he does not consciously want to become a shaman." (Ibid., 314) The shaman is distinguished from the average Indian by the intensity of magico-religious experiences, (Ibid., 297) and the quantitatively greater number of spirits within his/her command. (Ibid., 314) On a qualitative basis, however, both may attain states of ecstasy and commune with the spirits, though the shaman tends to do so in a premeditated and volitional manner. (Ibid.)

"Every Indian can obtain a 'tutelary spirit' or a 'power' of some sort that makes him capable of 'visions' and augments his reserves of the sacred; but only the shaman, by virtue of his relations with the spirits is able to enter deeply into the supernatural world; in other words, he alone succeeds in acquiring a technique that enables him to undertake ecstatic journeys at will." (Ibid., 298)

Title Page

 UCSC BA THESIS

*Modern Society and Social Thought, 

Stevenson College 1987 

1st Honors Senior Thesis Project 

(Honors in the Major, 2nd)

Vision Quest: Shamanic Ecstasy in Traditional and Modern Societies, A Transhistorical Cross-cultural Analysis

Table of Contents

Introduction

Chapter One: Definitions, Terms, Cultural and Cross-Cultural
Patterns and Commonalties, and Historical Origins

Chapter Two: Functions, Social Roles, Forms and Differentiations from Other People, Sacred Practitioners and Ecstatics

Chapter Three: The Functional Roles of Vision, Ecstasy, Trance, Hallucinogens and Alternate States of Consciousness in Accelerated
Neuro-Genetic Learning and Processing of Emotions and Cognitive Skills;
What It Is, What It's Like, and How Shamans Do It

Chapter Four: Becoming a Shaman: Initiation and Legitimation

Chapter Five: The Shaman: Culture-Carrier, Teacher and Social
Integrator; Status, Ethics and Gender Ratios

Chapter Six: Elements and Sources of the Shamanic
Complex Among Primal Peoples

Chapter Seven: The Renaissance of Shamanic Expression and Interest Therein; and Why Continued Exploration of Shamanic Ways Is Crucial to the Survival of Human Culture in Post-Technological Societies

Chapter Eight: Modern Forms of the Shaman-Figure

Chapter Nine: The Value of Hallucinogens and Shamanic Ecstasy
to Modern Society

Chapter Ten: The Modern Shaman-Figure as Psychotherapist and
Terrestrial Healer

Conclusion

Bibliography

BA Thesis Introduction

 

At some time in any person's life, there will emerge a period of crisis and rapid transition through unfamiliar experiences. This life crisis may be the result of any number of causative factors, but its resolution is imperative to the continued development of the human being.

It has generally been acknowledged that "socio-cultural acceptance of the crisis experience" fosters the resolution of the disturbance into socially accepted forms of expression, conversely, social rejection or dismissal of the crisis experience often leads to "paranoid delusions" and hostility on the part of the experiencer. (Peters, 1981, 83) In some societies, from ancient times to the present, there have existed those whose lives were transformed by a crisis, and who learned to use the knowledge and skills derived from their experience to heal themselves and others. These persons are generally called "shamans", or medicine-people.

One of the main features of the "shamanic experience" is the development of a perspective that includes senses of"reality" that may be alien to the non-shaman. It is as though a "doorway" appears, through which the shaman passes, leaving "normal" conceptions of what is "real" at the threshold. "The idea of the simultaneous coexistence of an alien dimension all around us is as strange an idea in the context of modern society as it must have been to the first shamans, whose experiments with psychoactive plants [and other means of consciousness alteration] would have brought them to the same ...doorway." (McKenna and McKenna, 1975, 104)

Could it be that the shaman has consciously evolved away to pass out of "consensus reality" into the primordial world of sacred space-time, and then to return with information and abilities that may be applied to the concerns of those of us living in "this world"? "What is the nature of the invisible landscape beyond that doorway?" (Ibid.) What importance does this experience of another dimension of reality have for us modernized peoples of the late 20th century ?

"If the world beyond the doorway can be given consensual validation of the sort extended to the electron and the black hole--- in other words, if the world beyond the door is found to be a necessary part of scientifically mature thinking about the world--- then our own circumscribed historical struggle will be subject to whole new worlds of possibility." (Ibid.)

The purpose of this paper will be to explore the "world beyond the doorway", the travelers in that realm, and the means by which they maneuver about strange and beautiful places and mingle with inhabitants of the "other side". There will be a development of an understanding of the status and function of these travelers within their societies, and also of the historical and trans-cultural influence of their "journeys" upon human culture and kind.

Toward this end, a relatively open-ended approach of benevolent acceptance has been taken. "While cultivating a suspended judgement, we endeavor to allow the phenomenon every opportunity to reveal and refine itself." (Ibid., 106) Though much of the information presented here has been derived from literary sources, personal communication with practicing shamans and medicine-people, as well as participation in shamanic ceremonies and rites of passage have played an important part in the development of this thesis.

Much that was learned could not be included in the present manuscript. At least three future products have evolved out of the efforts to complete this baccalaureate essay, as well as several career options. The work presented here is only a progress report for what may become a long "Journey," a "Quest" or "Path of Power."

May We All Walk Together In Peace..."Ho!!"

For Further William A. Sadler, III Reading, See Also:

Ecstatic Transformation: A General Systems Analysis of Altered States of Consciousness and Post-Peak Experience Normative Integration, 1993, Sonoma State University, MA Psychology

BA Thesis Chapter 2

 

Functions, Social Roles, Forms and Differentiations from Other People, Sacred Healing Practitioners and Mystics

In most traditional societies that have shamans, the chief function of the shaman is healing. (Eliade, 12964,299) Shamans also do many other things like hunting, planting, giving advice for solving problems, counseling, preserving myths and traditions, and interpreting dreams, visions and ambiguous feelings. (Ibid., 326)

Though the healing often involves magic, such tried and true methods as herbal remedies, diet, massage and showing active concern for the well-being of the person seeking help also contribute significantly to the shaman's stock of healing assistance.

The shaman is "first and foremost a healer" who may have attained ecstasy at one point during initiation and perhaps at crucial points in his/her career. According to Hultktantz (Hultkrantz, 1967, 36) the shaman need not generally enter into trance except for the "summoning of his assistant spirits." At these times, the shaman may become ecstatic to contact the spirits "for consultation or active intervention, be it curing of the sick, the finding of lost articles or the discovery of secrets and future events. (Ibid.)

The McKennas see healing and acting as psychopomp as the shaman's primary functions (McKenna and McKenna, 1975, 10), with divination also being perceived as the "especial prerogative of the shaman, whatever the cultural context." (Ibid., 109) Covell interprets the Korean "Manshin" as being a "quasi-psychologist, but instead of calling on Freud or Jung, she calls on the demi-gods of Korea's cultural past." (Covell, 1983, 99)

As "mediums who through a familiar interrogate spirits as to the future or as to the cause and cure of disease", the "sky-born hereditary [Malay] magician (who may also be a chief) can invoke ancestral spirits" by "falling or pretending to fall into a trance." (Winstedt, 1951, 11-12) While in an ecstatic state, the shaman will divine the location of lost or stolen items and conduct a ceremony to draw an offending spirit out of a person's body "either into the shaman's own [body] or usually into a receptacle that contains an offering of food." (Ibid., 12) This method of spirit-baiting is common in Asia, from Tibet to Korea, and Nepal to Malaysia.

As the principal "neuron" between the sacred and profane hemispheres of life, (Karsten, 1955, 77) the shaman acts as a teacher-negotiator who serves as an intermediary with the spirit world. S/He shows his or her patients that they are responsible for their ailments and that they can re-harmonize themselves through a mutual endeavor with the shaman.

"Curing is the chief function of the Paviotso shaman." (Park, 1938, 45) The "Puhágem" treats the sick by sucking out disease objects and restoring lost souls. (Ibid., 95-96) The public performances allow everyone to participate to some extent since shamanism has been the Paviotso Indian's "principal religious activity." (Ibid., 45) Group participation was possible to a large extent because the Paviotso complex was composed of fairly simple beliefs and practices. (Ibid., 71)

Among the Havasupai, Walapai and Yavapai, supernatural power was used for curing purposes by the medicine-people. Spirits, for the Havasupai of Arizona's Grand Canyon area, are "limited in numbers and are... the familiars of shamans." (Ibid., 95, 107)

The Wintu shamans had multiple professions. "In their hands lay the transmission and molding of speculative thought.... They were called upon to predict the outcome of hunts, to restrain inclement weather, and in many different ways were allowed to direct and shape social undertakings." (Ibid., 105)

In Penobscot society, the "Maede olinu"/drummer's main activities were outdoing each other in wonder-working, cursing and curing misfortune or illnesses. (Speck, 1919, 243) Their public functions included destroying tribal enemies (either mundane or spiritual) and dispelling group misfortunes. Families often had some member who functioned as a shamanic intermediary to ensure successful hunting and the safety of the group. (Ibid.)

The duties of the "Ki-ugwa Sowi-no" or "dreamer" were focused upon warning the tribe in advance of danger so as to avoid troubles and to assist hunting parties in finding game while "asleep" or in a self-induced, somnambulistic trance. (Ibid., 269) They were not reputed to inflict injury or curses upon each other as the "drummers" were apt to do, and were considered "harmless in their behavior towards other men." (Ibid.)

The Eskimo shaman's principal tasks include procuring assistance from the spirits of game animals to facilitate hunting, driving away evil spirits, healing the sick, changing the weather, and exploring the future. (Holtved, 1967,23) The Kalash Kafir's "dehar" also procures information about the future, and generally advises, counsels, and gives warnings based upon his connections with the spirit world. (Suger, 1967, 81)

The Nepalese "Bon-po" is responsible for curing with herbs and other medicines as well as ecstatic performances. (Schmidt, 1967, 81) Nepalese shamans often treat psychosomatic illnesses that do not greatly interrupt the daily lives of the patient, and are non-incapacitating. The tendency is to treat "neurosis" rather than "psychosis," and to focus upon both "personalistic" (spirit caused) and "naturalistic" (germ-virus caused) diseases. (Peters, 1981, 74) Tamang shamans treat disturbed individuals' emotional states and interpersonal relations rather than physical and psychic matters. (Ibid., 118)

Distinct from the "Alcuklas" or Datura administering astrologers, the Chumash "Bear Shamans" are anomalous as they tend to fulfill no culturally approved and apparent functions for their societies. (Blackburn, 1975, 41) They can not, then, be technically considered as shamans, even though they seem to have relations with the supernatural and have innate spiritual powers. In order to be a valid shaman, one's ecstasy must be channeled toward some socially accepted purpose, as the "Alcuklas'" is for divination. (Ibid., 14)

In almost all societies, shamanic practitioners demonstrate a positive force for goodness and social cohesion through their expressions of the "ecstatic capacity". (Eliade, 1964, 299) This is opposed to the anti-social tendencies of "black sorcerers,” whose behavior has more to do with self-aggrandizement than healing. "In a general way it can be said that shamanism defends life, health, fertility, the world of 'light', against death, disease, sterility, disaster, and the world of 'darkness'." (Ibid., 509)

Sun Bear sees the native medicine-person's main function as "that of a sacred teacher, one who can communicate with the many realms of reality and bring understanding." (SunBear, 1983, 25) "They designed and carried out rituals and ceremonies that marked the changes in the lives of people and of the planet." (Ibid.)

Because of her position between the realms of inspiration and perspiration, the shamanka is an evolutionary agent of high caliber. S/he "must be strong in body and dedicated in mind, possessed of self-control, and capable of mental effort beyond that of most individuals" in her society. (Rogers, 1982, 8)

The shaman's social roles are listed by Hultkrantz (1978, 37) as being those of a diviner extracting information from helping spirits or through "precognitive talents", psycho-pomp accompanying dead souls to the strange realms of the afterlife, hunting magician and charmer of animals who calls and finds game animals through spirit allies, and sacrificial priest who performs ceremonies for blessing and purification, as in the Native American pipe and sweat-lodge ceremonies.

According to Krader, the Buryat shaman has several roles:

l) mediator between man and spirits;

2) specialist in folk medicines;

3) maintainer of the culture's traditions,

4) performed of private and public rituals including:

A) Blessings on the beginnings of any sort of undertaking;

B) Exorcizing the spirits causing human illness;

C) Protecting herds and crops from disease and predators:

D) Making prayers to weather and natural world spirits for bounty and safety in communal and individual life journeys. (Krader, 1978, 190)

Shamans are professionals with proto-historic roots and powerful relations to their societies. (Rogers, 1982, 7) They can be both seers and mediums since both communicate with spirits while ecstatic or in other forms of consciousness or changing orientation. (Ibid., 6) In this way, a shaman can be an artist whose inspiration comes from tapping the sources of "unconscious creativity." (Nordland, 1967, 186 and Suger, 1967, 78)

As it has been mentioned, the shaman aided hunting parties in finding game animals. The Paviotso "Antelope Shaman" used dreams and trance to locate and call a herd to be captured, through the auspices of the Antelope Spirit. To show respect for the Spirit of the Antelope, all parts of the killed animals were used for food, clothing, tools and medicine. Any waste might cause the angered Antelope Spirit to withhold its bounty in the future. "Antelope charming...is the one well-recognized function of the shaman which is not heavily charged with beliefs about the cause and cure of disease. (Park, 1938, 62-66)

Among the Hungarian peoples, shaman figures took several forms. "The magician of folklore, the seers, quack-doctors, faith-healers, witches, village wise men, shepherds, wandering beggars and finally children with special birthmarks, the so-called stigmata, or other external characteristics were regarded by the Hungarian scholars as shaman-figures with roots in the distant pagan past." (Fazekas, 1967, 99)

There were several different types of Hungarian shamanic practitioners who were differentiated according to their functions. The "taltos" (Finnish = "taitoa") was a shaman, medicine-man, wizard, sorcerer, or priest-magician. The "tudos" was a scientist, scholar, learned one, knower or philosopher, not unlike the alchemist of Western Europe during the Middle Ages. The "garabonc(i)as" was a wizard/magi who, disguised as a traveling student, was able to raise storms and prognosticate the future. A "bozorkani" was an evil sorcerer or witch of maleficent behavior, and the "regos" was a minstrel, gleeman, or bard who maintained myths and legends, as well as provided amusement and general information. (Ibid.)

Since a community is human beings in relation to each other, one cannot abstract the individual from his or her social milieux. The shaman's job is to experience this wholistic perspective and to help others reach a similar state of understanding so as to facilitate a healing of social relations that are out of balance. (Peters, 1981, 95)

Paviotso shamans are differentiated from the rest of their society, in which acquiring power is the norm, through their quantitatively greater measure of connections with spirits, and not by quantitative terms. (Park, 1938, 92) The shaman also tends to use this greater reserve for healing other people, as well as him or her self and the planet. "The shaman is distinguished from the lay person not by the nature but by the strength of his supernatural experience." (Ibid., 93) In some cases, the guardian spirit met during a Vision Quest is stronger for the shaman than for the ordinary person. (Ibid., 94)

According to the McKennas , the shaman is distinguished from others in that the "shaman remains eminently individualistic, idiosyncratic, and enigmatic, standing ever apart from organized ecclesiastical institutions, while still performing important functions for the psychic and religious life of the culture." (McKenna & McKenna, 1975, 8) S/he is the "possessor of techniques of proven efficacy and of powers bordering on the para-normal." (Ibid.)

Not all ecstatics are shamans, however. Eliade argued that only those whose trance experiences followed the pattern of a trip to and from the heavens or underworld via the "Axis Mundi" or “Cosmic Tree” were classic shamans. (Eliade, 1964 cited in Hultkrantz, 1978, 31) This may, however, be too narrow a classification category. The "Axis Mundi" is only a model used to communicate the incom-municable to lay persons and other expert ecstatics. The Yakut shaman of Siberia possesses a complex vocabulary of 12,000+ words that make up a poetic language used to attempt to describe ecstatic and spiritual experiences. (Rogers, 1982, 8) This demonstrates both the difficulty of communicating these subjective experiences to non-initiates and the innovative drive of shamanic professionals.

Within Zincantecan culture in Mexico, the shaman is distinguished from his or her fellows in several ways when confronted by a test of "unstructured stimuli" composed of blurred and clear photographs of culturally familiar items, the shamans tended to:

l) avoid bafflement and impose form on diffuse sense data more than non-shamans,

2) be more productive in their responses and more generative of different responses,

3) seem to have available to themselves their own constructive categories and are relatively unresponsive to alternative categories suggested by the experimenter, which shows an "inner-directed" and "self-centered style of classification." (Schweder, 1972, 409, 412)

The shaman's capacity to impose form on stimuli that are diffuse and apparently lacking in significance is highly valued, for, "it is in situations where significance is not clear, and alternative responses are lacking that the shaman's abilities are at a premium." (Ibid., 410)

Depending upon their society, shamans may not be considered to be "abnormal" because their experiences are intricately meshed with a culturally valid, if not unusual, set of perceptions about the nature of reality. (Peters, 1981, 84) The shaman does, however, often live apart from the community in a delicate balance between group norms and the super-normal, gray areas of accepted behavior. To walk this tightrope requires a high level of sensitivity to tendencies, expectations and "rules of the game" of one's particular society. The shaman, therefore, is rarely a true socio-path or psychotic individual. If s/he were, s/he would not maintain the respect, awe, and usefulness of and to his or her community. (Rogers, 1982, 139)

For both the shaman and the psychotic, subtle natural processes are at work to produce both ecstatic trance and toxic psychosis. On the one hand is the shaman who has learned how to manipulate these subtle processes for valid reasons. On the other hand, the psychotic is an unwitting victim, and is often shunned by his or her society. (McKenna & McKenna, 1975, 97) "For both the shaman and patients suffering from protracted hysterical delirium, visual hallucinations...may reveal visions of animals and fantastic processions of ghosts and demons. The patient will utter meaningless words borrowed subconsciously from several languages." (Winstedt, 1951, 63) "There is, however, an impossible gulf between the hysterical visions of an adolescent medium and the calculated ritual of the trained shaman of mature years when intellect has taken the place of lost inspiration." (Ibid.)

Shamans also differ from priests. "Theologically,... a shaman should be regarded as having become a priestly practitioner when his divine tutelary (or tutelaries) no longer adds new revelations to his rite." (Luckert, 1979, 13) The Navaho "Singer", for instance, may not be considered a true shaman since, though they may have experienced ecstasy at some point, their ceremonial development is based primarily upon learning through rational, rote memorization of the texts of the myths that they chant. These skills are taught, and the traditions are maintained across generations. "Singers" do not seek the experiences of prophetic dreams, power sicknesses, regenerative visions and the like as shamans do.

There are of course exceptions, like the "hand-trembling" diviners, who may also be "Singers". The decision to become a "Singer" is more often related to a desire for economic stability in old age, to the availability of a good teacher with an accurate knowledge of the Chantways and origin myths. The strongest inherent talents for a "Singer" would include a good, strong, resonant voice, a sound memory, and the patience to learn the complex and time-consuming rites. (Ibid., 12)

In other cultures, the shaman is distinguished from the priest "by virtue of his possession of supernatural power... which he uses when he performs curative rites and acts as a prophet and a seer." (Park, 1938, 9) The priest, however, works by knowledge of rituals and esoteric doctrines which are learned arts. In Malay society, the distinction between magician-priest and magician-shaman, if any at all, is that the former is initiated whilst the latter is hereditary. (Winstedt, 1951,7) The priest "has no personal powers, he is a specialist in ritual and symbolic manipulation." (Rogers, 1982, 53)

This is as true in Malaysia as it is in Nepal where the "lama proceeds step by step" according to prescribed litany, while the "Bombo proceeds by his voice," inspired by the gods and spirits. (Peters, 1981, 59) Both lama and "Bombo" are tolerated and employed by the Nepalese for different functions, depending upon their talents.

Among other ecstatic practitioners, prophets are distinguished from shamans through their inability to cure disease, though trance, dreams and visions are experienced by both. (Park, 1938, 69-70) Prophets are also differentiated from shamans, in that prophets tend to have single or infrequent ecstatic revelations which serve predominantly as simple information sources. The shaman, however, tends to contact the spirit world more often and is able to compel the spirits on behalf of his or her community, usually for some sort of healing purpose. As an example, the "Ghost Dance" visionaries were technically prophets, and "not trained shamans," because their activities were directed more to social change than towards personal or group healing via ecstatic communion with spirit entities. (Hultkrantz, 1978, 30)

BA Thesis Chapter 3

 

The Functional Roles of Vision, Ecstasy, Trance, Hallucinogens and Alternate States of Consciousness in Accelerated Neuro-Genetic Learning and Processing of Emotions and Cognitive Skills; What It Is, What It's Like, and How Shamans Do It

Ecstatic phenomena are fundamental to the human condition and are trans-historical and cross-cultural in occurrence. Ecstasy is human nature, though its expression may be suppressed or encouraged according to social pressures and consensus reality conceptions. (Eliade, 1964, 504)

Ecstasy, among other things, is a different kind of consciousness, alternative to the one that most people spend most of their waking adult lives in. Ecstasy may be considered an "alternate state of consciousness" (following Zinberg's 1977 definition). This implies that "different states of consciousness prevail at different times for different reasons.... Alternate states of consciousness is a plural, all-inclusive term, unlike usual state of consciousness, which is merely one specific state of A.S.C." (Peters, 1981, 8)

Alternate states of consciousness (ASC’s) may be perceived in several ways, and accepted or rejected accordingly by individuals and societies. Harner prefers to discern two basic states, or perceptual preferences: the "O.S.C.," or "ordinary states of consciousness," and the "S.S.C," the "shamanic states of consciousness." (Harner, 1980, xvi) With this model, mythical animals and spirits may be seen as "real" and normal to the S.S.C., but unreal and abnormal to the O.S.C. Those in O.S.C. may find such "fantasies" of little use, or even downright dangerous, while such things are often highly valued to those in S.S.C, and may be seen as providing important information about the state of socio-personal and environmental equilibrium. "Both are right, as viewed from their own particular states of consciousness. The shaman has the advantage of being able to move between states of consciousness at will." (Ibid.)

According to the McKennas, "access to unconscious processes" is considered to be higher among shamans and "schizophrenics" than "normal" people. (McKenna & McKenna, 1975, 6) The difference between the shaman and the schizophrenic, as already noted, is that the 'latter is "spontaneously inundated and often overwhelmed." (Ibid.) The shaman, however, integrates these processes into manifest consciousness "without suffering personality disintegration" (beyond the initiatory stages mentioned below, Chapter 4). This is achieved or facilitated by means of the "techniques of ecstasy" which "trigger and control this process." (Ibid.) (The McKennas suggest that these processes involve molecular changes in the processes of the brain, and that tryptamines, such as those found in Psilocybin mushrooms may play an important role. (Ibid.) This will be examined further in discussing the role of hallucinogens in relation to a theory of consciousness.)

Shamanic tendencies to alternate states are not indicative of mental disorder, either during initiatory calling in which involuntary ecstasy may occur, or during developed shamanistic trance. The latter is a feature of voluntary interaction with spirits through temporarily induced "hysteria" or self-hypnosis, as well as occasional "possession." (Hultkrantz, 1978, 50)

Shamanic ”possession" differs from that of the medium, since the shaman "retains his own personality" and is the "master, and not the slave or passive instrument of the spirits." (Ibid., 42) My own preference is to interpret this interaction as a cooperative venture, rather than one of domination by either the shaman or the spirit entities. In either case, shamans generally tend toward soul journeys as their ecstatic form, while mediums tend to become possessed.

The development of shamanic consciousness involves a transformational shift from "ordinary" to “non-ordinary" perceptions and perspectives. This is done with full intent and attention, as floundering about in states of doubt and non-commitment will distract one from what is happening. The shaman must retain the ability to communicate information learned in alternate states and ascribe meanings relevant to participants in the social, consensus reality. (McKenna & McKenna, 1975, 10)

For all intents and purposes, ecstasy and trance at will are equivalent to shamanic control over neural processes. The "techniques of ecstasy" require great sensitivity to hormonal as well as neuro-muscular, sensual,,and mental processes. (Ibid., 13) The integration of these states into "normal", waking consciousness requires an holistic perspective of "brain-mind organization," on the part of both the shamans and their respective cultures. The McKennas see this perspective ecologically represented by their "hypothesis of neuro-transmitter and drug activity which attempts to explain how either cortical experiences could be modulated at the molecular level." (Ibid., 7) They perceive an integrated system of interactions with several environments, coordinated at multiple "levels" of energy resonance. (Ibid.)

The McKenna brothers theorize that the origins of consciousness lie at the sub-molecular interface of DNA and RNA to the neural processes of the brain. (Ibid., 18) At this shifting locus we find the deepest levels of mind and the buried unconscious. It is possible that the manipulation or interruption of these processes is involved in shamanic ecstasy, as well as schizophrenia. (Ibid.)

During "spirit-flight", for instance, the shaman travels through space-time in an ecstatic trance, often meeting "souls of the dead", and the "spirits" of animals, plants, and power places. Perhaps this state of consciousness allows the shaman to tap a “genetic script," reading out what is written there for the benefit of self and society. To this end, it is possible that neural DNA is the "repository of information" which could, under certain circumstances, "render the totality [or portions] of this information available to consciousness, and might include all personal memories and experiences and also all collective knowledge and experience, accumulated over evolutionary (and possibly cultural) history of the species and reflected in its genetic makeup." (Ibid., 97) Such a perspective is itself a product of the intuitive processes common to shamans.and their ilk.

Previous references to the distinguishing characteristic of shamanic trance mentioned the "experiential feature of control" over the trance states. This has been folklorically described as a "mastery of spirits." (Peters, 1981, 11) Nordland, however, contradicts this description , and argues that trance involves a loss of ego boundaries and personal volition of the body. (Nordland, 1967, 167) In a sense, both perspectives are true, depending upon whether one is an "observer" or a "participant," and upon whether the shaman makes the "journey" alone, or in the company of supportive colleagues.

Ecstatic trance as shamans experience it may also be compared with a "lucid dream," which is a dream.state in which one is aware of being in a dream, and has varying levels of control over the dream processes and imagery. (Peters, 1981, 104) In shamanic trance, the shaman seems detached even though s/he is participating in the events going on around him or her.

Ecstasy may be defined as the "' total suggestive absorption [of the participant] in the object of belief.'" (Hultkrantz, 1967, 57 after Ernst Arbman) This "suggestive absorption... reveals itself in a 'peculiar, strictly organized and intensively clear, conscious and realistic visionary state or dream.'" (Ibid.) This features "an 'almost dazzling inner clairvoyance of illumination' with 'actual perceptions of light of a purely hallucinatory or physically sensuous nature."' (Ibid.)

In this suggestive state, the shaman may return to a "golden age," "Garden of Eden," a primordial state of mythical space-time and harmony. S/he becomes the divine human child reminding profane human consciousness of its roots in the sacred. (McKenna & McKenna, 1975,12)

Because ASC's are internally arranged, they are difficult to observe in studies. (Karsten, 1955, 56) As primary forms of religious experience, divine revelation, inspiration, dreams, visions and ecstatic states are considered by some to be a "special gift which is inborn only in a few persons." (Ibid.) Other researchers disagree and suggest that, given the proper set of circumstances and motivations, almost any person can shift their focus, though few seem to develop this talent. Such persons as shamans, artists, mystics, musicians, scientists and other highly innovative and creative individuals are among those that do develop this capacity.

For all intents and purposes, the shaman's ecstasy may be considered to be the same as shamanic trance, since both of these states involve contact with the spirits. (Hultkrantz, 1978, 40) The "elements of control and volition of the trance state" are also common to all shamanic cultures." (Peters, 1981, 12) The shaman is not overwhelmed by the intensity of his experience but manipulates it in the service of the community." (Ibid.)

All "visions" are subject to cultural interpretations. The visions of "alien" cultures often seem crazy or jumbled to a non-native person because the forms of expression differ. It is important to understand, therefore, the cultural basis for a "vision" while leaving room for individual interpretations in variable contexts. (Ibid.,50)

It is impossible, then, for the shaman's visionary experience to be "abstracted from its cultural milieu...[in which] the symbolic system is crucial, for the symbols brought forth in the shaman's trance must be both transformative for the shaman and empathic for his audience." (Ibid., 15) The shaman "must give form to these states so they will serve the community... [made possible through a] cultural embedding of the altered state of consciousness." (Ibid.)

The Central Eskimo trance state is characterized by a quiet, contemplative state best suited for deep, dream visions. (Holtved, 1967, 26) Shamanic ecstasy for the Korean "Manshin," however, involves a multi-dimensional release from social norms and taboos. The Confucian, patriarchal social system that dominated Korea for centuries relegated women to a repressed, inferior status, giving rise among some to an ecstatic form of release. This is called "Shin Barom," the "wind of the spirits," and has strong sexual energy and orgasmic connotations. (Covell, 1983, 97-98)

Because of the altered awareness of the Korean “Manshin's” trance, she is "no longer in a normal state... so the ordinary rules concerning physical process are changed." (Ibid., 52) By being outside of the "rules" of "normal" physical and psychic realities, the shaman may be able to perform acts otherwise considered superhuman, as among some Yogis and ascetics. (McKenna & McKenna, 1975, 15)

Nepalese shamans experience both trance possession and magical soul journeys, with the "seeing of visions" being reported for both states. (Peters, 1981, 10) The "Noidi" of Lappland and the Indian medicine-people of the Americas both experience ecstatic soul flight. (Karsten, 1955, 73) Among the latter, it has often been acknowledged that there was a prevalence of trance states prior to white, Christian colonization. For the "Puhágem" of the Paviotso, "those who used the trance were the more powerful shamans." (Park, 1938, 114) These trance journeys were shared with the audience at a curing rite; "as soon as the shaman returns to [ordinary] consciousness, he relates his experiences in the trance." (Ibid.) With the support of the singing audience, the "Puhágem" proceeds with the curative measures recommended by the spirit allies.

Different kinds of trance emerge depending upon the function the shaman is to perform. "Extra-corporeal" journeys might be necessary in a case of restoring a lost soul. (Hultkrantz, 1978, 41) During initiation, dream visions might be combined with learning sessions to abolish the sense of historic time so as to enter the sacred space-time continuum in which the shaman performs. (Eliade, 1964, 103)

Some trance states seem best suited for encountering tutelary spirits, such as the Huichol's "Tatewari," Grandfather Fire/Sun, or the Chumash "Old Woman Momoy," the Datura guardian spirit. (Halifax, 1982, 29) These elderly elemental entities reveal wisdom from the natural world, age and experiences of maturity to those that experience the ASC's necessary to perceive them. Mythical beings also instruct the shaman (and others) on the best ways to live in the world by means of revelatory visions and/or dream visits which seem to leave more lasting impressions upon the recipient than simple instructions by means of rational discourse or rote imitation. (Ibid.)

Alternate states and their manipulation through the "techniques of ecstasy" are part of a "definite discipline" of which the goal is the psychological transformation of the individual, and indirectly, of his/her society. (Peters, 1981, 13) The social, altruistic orientation of the shaman's ecstasy and the pursuit of visionary knowledge are revealed in the typical mythical patterns of creation of order out of chaos, the derivation of wisdom from foolishness and trickery, and the development of knowledge out of ignorance. As core elements of myths, these patterns are also common to the re-birthing experiences associated with shamanic initiation and other ecstatic experiences. (Halifax, 1982, 29)

Shamanic trance is nearly always instigated on behalf of the shaman's community. "Shamanism is therefore a community-recognized religious vocation that involves the production of altered states of consciousness." (Peters, 1981, 8) Arctic shamans, for example, integrate trance into their tasks of recalling the soul of an ill person, removing "disease objects" from the body , retrieving information and discerning the outcome of "fateful events," all with the assistance of helping spirits. (Hultkrantz, 1978, 36)

Among the Samek, the shaman depends upon an ecstatic trance to bring about a "close communication with the spirits." (Karsten, 1955, 61) "Joiking," a performance to invoke the guardian spirit (Ibid., 68, 80), involves chanting and beating a drum, the head of which is often painted with visionary motifs which act as mnemonic devices to remind the shaman of the purpose of the ritual, and of the spirits to be contacted. (Ibid., 69) Such devices reflect the use of "sympathetic magic" to extend control over spirits by imitation or use of the image of that which is to be controlled or invoked. (Ibid., 76-77)

The East Indian "dehar's" trance is achieved during an ecstatic dance and is considered auspicious as it charges him with "life force." (Suger, 1967) While entranced, the "dehar" receives communications from the spirits that are primarily related to the needs of this world. (Ibid., 79) Through these communications, the "dehar" counsels how to avoid danger and misfortunes, but, unlike other shamanic practitioners, he does not attempt to induce the spirits to assist in or change events. (Ibid., 80)

Some shamans use spirit-flight as a means of "transportation" "anywhere at will." (Winstedt, 1951, 28) Others use it for both travel and supplication of spirit entities. The Chuckchee shamanistic performance often takes place after dusk to facilitate a sinking into trance. This is referred to as "an-na ackin" which literally means "to sink." (Borogas, 1972, 387) The shaman's task is to sink to the depths of the sea to visit the great sea spirit, "Taka nakapsaluk," to placate her for blessings of food and good health. (Ibid.)

The McKennas list several methods of achieving ecstasy. Among these they include "frenzied and prolonged drumming," dancing and chanting, sleep deprivation, fasting, isolation, solitude, and sensory deprivation. (McKenna & McKenna, 1975, 14) Trance may also be induced by head-whirling, twirling about, and being exposed to hypnotic music, as well as using incense, ritual paraphernalia and items of power that facilitate the turning of attention from the profane to the sacred world of the spirits. (Winstedt, 1951, 61)

In order to be a fit vehicle of the spirits, the "dehar" of the Kafirs " must always take care to live in a state which enables him to receive communications from supernatural beings whenever they choose to communicate. If he does not possess the will to comply with the commands of the supernatural beings he cannot be a dehar." (Suger, 1967, 77) The ritual dance of the "dehar," like that of the "Manshin," requires that the shaman move "as the spirits direct her; her movements reflect their movements, their ecstasy, spirit borne." (Covell, 1983, 52)

The process of becoming a fit vehicle sometimes encompasses some extreme, though common, forms of personality change. Identity transformation may manifest as gender switch, such as in the case of the "Berdache," or "contrary," common to some Great Plains peoples. Other forms of external rejection of previous social roles and behavioral norms include, but are not limited to change of dress or costume, hair fashioning, and linguistic mannerisms. "By destroying his own pattern of character, he opens the way for the voices, the visions." (Nordland, 1967, 175)

One method of achieving alternate awareness that has received a lot of attention in "modern societies," usually with undue repressive measures, is the age-old use of natural psychoactive substances. Such "artificial means" of inducing the “dream-state" necessary to hold counsel with the spirits are not only ancient, but widespread, in fact, nearly ubiquitous to shamanism. (Karsten, 1955, 59)

In their fascinating book, The Invisible Landscape (1975, 14), the McKennas pay particular attention to the use of ''narcotic-hallucinogenic'' plants and substances by shamans to achieve alternate states. Other than the widespread use of tobacco, marihuana and hashish derivatives, the McKennas list several substances including Amanita muscaria mushrooms in Siberia, Peyoté (Lophophora williamsii) use among the Huichol, Psilocybin mushroom ceremonies among the Mazatec of Mexico, and Yagé/Ayahuasca (Banisteriopsis cappii) divinations among the Jivaro and Putumayo. From this evidence it appears that the narcotic experience and the shamanic experience are, in very numerous cases, one and the same, though the narcotic experience must be molded and directed by the symbolic motifs of ritual to give it its peculiarly shamanic quality." (Ibid.)

Since the dawn of time, shamans and others have employed botanical agents to facilitate ecstasy and to "tap resources within themselves." (Dobkin de Rios, 1984, 12) Amanita muscaria, for example, has been extensively used by the Koryak, Chuckchee, Buriat, Yakut and other Northern and Asian peoples, and may have been the key ingredient of "Soma," the divine nectar of the gods mentioned in the Vedic poems of ancient India. (Rogers, 1982, 14-115 and also cited extensively throughout R. Gordon Wasson’s, Soma: The

Divine Mushroom of Immortality.) Other substances include tobacco snuffs and infusions (nicotine), San Pedro cactii and the toxic red-mescal bean (Sophora secundiflora), both of which contain the alkaloid mescaline, also found in Peyote. (Rogers, 1982, 114-115) Datura is widely used, as in Africa, where the Yoruba "shaman" employs it for the less than admirable purpose of aggravating the symptoms of his mentally disturbed patients so as to charge a higher fee for his services. (Ibid.)

The use of hallucinogens like Peyote among peoples within the shamanic complex is usually for the purpose of attaining access to a state of being that enables the users to perceive and harmonize themselves with the primordial order of nature's life sustaining relationships. The Huichol refer to this as a journey "to find their life." Annual Peyote pilgrimages mark the development of the shaman, though anyone who is able may participate, Five successful pilgrimages are necessary to become a full fledged "Mara Akame," or shaman. (Furst, 1977, 24-25)

"Toloache," or Jimson Weed (Datura meteloides), was used extensively by shamans in several Southern Californian cultures. It played an important role in the ritual life of the Chumash, the Southern Diegueno, Luisen , Serrano, and also somewhat for the Cowpa. (Park, 1938, 106) "Old Woman Momoy," or Datura, was used to induce dream visions to assist in the development of young adults, and to make them "more courageous." (Blackburn, 1975, 147) The Chumash had a good sense of which parts of the plants produced the strongest effects, as well as how much to use to achieve specific trance states. (Ibid.) Their ceremonies, which may or may not have involved "Toloache" use, were both public and private, depending upon whether they were intended only for the individual, direct family relations or the entire village social group. (Ibid., 14)

The solitude, hunger and intense concentration of the "Vision Quest" facilitates profound states of consciousness and the accompanying changes in self-identification. This is modulated to a large extent by a strong emotional channeling through a request for a message of some kind of communication from the "powers that be". Sun Bear, an Ojibwa medicine-man of my acquaintance, describes the prayer that accompanies a Vision Quest: "We call this process crying for a vision. We go out and we cry, asking the Creator to send us a sign, to give us something that will direct us and tell us our purpose in life. If a vision comes to a person and he moves forward with that vision, then that becomes his medicine, his path of power." (Sun Bear, 1983, 204) This process is never easy at first, as it often involves breaking away from one's learned, expected and familiar "scripts for life." (Ibid.)

The Paviotso have a fairly simple form of the "Vision Quest". A person seeking "power" spends a night alone in a semi-desolate place, such as a mountain cave. Arduous fasting and self-inflicted pain are unheard of with them, and a midnight snack is frequently included along with blankets to keep the seeker warm. Their prayer is equally simple and direct, and is addressed to the spirits of the place for the powers to heal others. (Park, 1938, 27)

Dick Mahwee, an elderly "Puhágem," relates his initial power-quest requests: "'I went into the cave in the evening. As soon as I got inside I prayed and asked for power to doctor sickness. I said, “My people are sick. I want to save them. I want to keep them well. You [spirit] can help me make them well, I want you to.help me save them. When they have died give me the power to bring them back [by returning their lost souls]." I said this to the spirit in the cave. It is not a person. It comes along with the darkness. This is a prayer to the night.'" (Ibid.)

Dick's prayer is significant not only in its specific location as to the source of healing power, or knowledge, but also in its form. This simple form, "My people are sick.... How may I help them?" is common to the Vision Quest prayers of several peoples. None seem as simple, though, as the case of California Pomo shamaness, Essie Parrish, who eschews arduous pilgrimages and self-sacrifice declaring, "I don't have to go nowhere to see. Visions are everywhere." (Halifax, 1982, 8)

Along with prayers, songs and chants are also powerful verbal means of connecting with spirits. The Montana Flathead Indians believed that when the spirit of an animal is making you sick "...you sing many songs about him to make him feel better. Any kind of songs. Songs that make you laugh and songs that tell you where he lives and songs that say mean things about him. The animal does not care. He likes to be sung about." (Rogers, 1982, 128)

Chants are powerful tools for the shaman. Their use involves the human body itself as a magical instrument to contact the spirits. Chants are frequently composed of a "few powerful words which are repeated with great emphasis." (Karsten, 1955, 85) In Hungarian shamanic practice, a "regos-song" is a chanted magical charm that invokes ecstasy. The phrase "Haj, regi (rego) rejtem!" could mean "Ho, through ecstasy I make magic!!!" (Fazekas, 1967, 111-112)

Music itself is a potent force in consciousness alteration. It is "the first step to divorce the medium from the mundane or secular world, to allow the mind of the medium to commune with or be possessed by spirits." (Covell, 1983, 40) Through the ritualization of music, the shaman, like the Korean "Manshin," separates herself from profane existence and temporal problems. She is then "allowed to meet the spirits with an empty and pure mind, to become a suitable vessel to pass along the commands and advise from the world which is real but unseen to those who deal in the profane." (Ibid.) While the "Manshin" is communing with the spirits, the musicians themselves often enter a parallel, supportive trance as they play upon their instruments. (Ibid., 43-44)

The sound of the drum is one of the most powerful tools for trance induction. The Penobscot "Maede olinu" derived powers from the knowledge that drumming connects all beings that, in one way or another, sense the drum's vibration induced sound. (Speck, 1919, 240-241) The rhythmic beat of the drum provides "insistent deep tones that disrupt the natural [or unnatural] flow [or blocks] of the body's rhythm, speeding or slowing it, causing the mind of the audience or participants to open upon a different reality." (Covell, 1983, 40) The striking, discordant manipulations of percussive instruments like drums, tambourines, bells and gongs "could stir frenzy or create peace." (Ibid.)

In Asiatic shamanism, the drum finds two general uses:

l) as an "excitant" to induce trance, and

2) as a "divination tool," as in the Lapp "ring-ceremony," where the direction of movement of a ring upon the beaten drum head indicates fortune or misfortune. (Rogers, 1982, 36-37) Among the Eskimo, drumming, either by the shaman or an assistant, is used to invoke trance and to facilitate spirit flight. (Holtved, 1967, 26) Whether in Asia or America, many shamans believe that the monotonous drum beats help control spirits and "all absent things." (Karsten, 1955, 82)

In an article entitled "Percussion and Transition,'' Rodney Needham observes that percussive instruments seem to generate "meaningful messages about transition in social life." (Needham, 1972, 391) He sees percussive instruments as ubiquitous to cultures where there are frequent attempts to establish contact with the "world of the spirits." (Ibid., 392)

Because of the nature of the repetitive impulse of the drum, Needham asserts that percussion type instruments are preferred in shamanistic practices because of psychological reasons rather than socio-historical reasons. (Ibid., 394) "'The music of the drum is more closely connected with the foundations of aurally generated emotion that that of any other instrument. It is complete enough in itself to cover the whole range of human feeling.'" (Ibid., citing A. E. Crawley, 1912, "Drums and Cymbals," from the Encyclopedia of Religious Ethics, p.91)

The cultural effects of interpretation and the specific emotions related to sounds differ, yet there seems to be a common basis to percussive appeal. The "comparative affective import" comes not from melody, rhythm, tone or period of resonance, but from percussion. It appears that "sound waves have neural and organic effects of human beings, irrespective of the cultural formations of the latter." (Ibid., 395) As to their ubiquity in terms of technological sophistication, percussive sounds are derived from both "primary" (of the body) and "elemental" (of the environment) phenomena, and are often the easiest to produce. (Ibid.)

"Rites of passage" involve a "formal passage from one status or condition to another" and are often marked by percussion and other noise generating devices. (Ibid., 396) There is a "significant connexion between percussion and transition" seen in the "conjunction of two primal, elementary and fundamental features, (1) the affective import of percussion, [and] (2) the logical structure of category change." (Ibid., 395) There is a combining of emotion and reason which produces a result which cannot be derived exclusively from one or another approach, but only from a conjunction of the two.

Francis Huxley notes that percussion can trigger alternate states of consciousness, perhaps by modulating brain-wave patterns through disturbances of the inner ear which "modulates postural attitude, muscle tonus, breathing rhythms, heartbeat, blood pressure, feelings of nausea and certain eye reflexes." (Ibid., 397) Hence, percussion can be aimed at the inner ear "in an effort to dissociate the waking consciousness from its organization in the body." (Ibid.)

Noise, especially the explosive sounds of firecrackers and drums is often used to punctuate certain stages of development and transition. This could involve several factors, among them the stimulation of K-complexes. These are bursts of EEG wave-forms associated with sudden, non-rhythmic sounds, K-complexes are often present in EEG readings when a subject is startled or when awakened from sleep when an unusual noise is perceived. (personal communication from Gordon Mumma, UCSC, 1986)

Monotonous stimuli, along with percussion, the transformation of the sense of personal identity, isolation from social norms, and intuitive learning are all basic features of shamanism. Monotonous drumming and dancing, restricted movement, staring at a flame or into darkness or through masks with special light effects for the eyes can facilitate an alternate state without ecstatic emotions. Sometimes demonstrations of ecstasy can be more of a performance to convince participants of the truth of the shaman's experience of the "other world" than it is in fact necessary to establish contact with spirits. Alternate states do not always preclude ecstasy. (Nordland, 1967, 174)

Apparently, monotonous stimulation increases emotional intensity and motor movements during which the higher cerebral centers detach from sensorial input, allowing the shaman to perceive experiences which are beyond the grasp of the uninitiated. (Ibid., 168) This is not unlike the achievement of auto-hypnosis by means of "self initiated sensory [and social] deprivation." (McKenna & McKenna, 1975, 24) Such sensory deprivation can produce "visual and auditory hallucinations and perceptual distortions" such as "hearing voices, seeing imaginary people, and having sensations of body-image distortion." (Ibid.)

Sensory deprivation and relaxation are believed to be capable of isolating the brain from body-centered consciousness. This allows regulation to take place by the inner-dynamics of bio-rhythms, like circadian cycles, rather than by sensory input. In this state, thoughts tend to wander and there can be "clear hallucinations of happenings" and presences not perceived by others. (Nordland, 1967, 169-171)

Both sensory deprivation and monotony function in similar ways by separating higher neural centers from "external" events and facilitating a focus upon "internally" generated thoughts and emotions, as well as images and sensations. These are the classic hallucinations which are internally perceived structures sometimes taking the shapes of "unclear figures... geometrical figures changing contours, altering in size and shape, etc." (Ibid., 172-173) They may also take the form of amazingly complex, highly detailed and intensely realistic images, sounds and sensations rivaling in clarity the pristine perfection of new-fallen snow on a crystal clear morning. Such is the jewel within the lotus of shamanic ecstasy.